On Christopher Hitchens . . . 

 

 

 

 

 

 



          
 

 

From the ‘Great Beyond’

Christopher Hitchens: The case for mocking religion

Slate.com  -   Christopher Hitchens

 

"Charlie Hebdo" was known for printing images of the Prophet Muhammad, including the 2005 cartoons that originally ran in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten, leading to widespread violence. In February 2006, the late Christopher Hitchens addressed that controversy in his inimitable way. His article is reprinted below.

As well as being a small masterpiece of inarticulacy and self-abnegation, the statement from the U.S. State Department about this week’s international Muslim pogrom against the free press was also accidentally accurate.

“Anti-Muslim images are as unacceptable as anti-Semitic images, as anti-Christian images, or any other religious belief.” 

 

Thus the hapless Sean McCormack, reading painfully slowly from what was reported as a prepared government statement. How appalling for the country of the First Amendment to be represented by such an administration. What does he mean “unacceptable”? That it should be forbidden? And how abysmal that a “spokesman” cannot distinguish between criticism of a belief system and slander against a people. However, the illiterate McCormack is right in unintentionally comparing racist libels to religious faith. Many people have pointed out that the Arab and Muslim press is replete with anti-Jewish caricature, often of the most lurid and hateful kind. In one way the comparison is hopelessly inexact. These foul items mostly appear in countries where the state decides what is published or broadcast. However, when Muslims republish the Protocols of the Elders of Zion or perpetuate the story of Jewish blood-sacrifice at Passover, they are recycling the fantasies of the Russian Orthodox Christian secret police (in the first instance) and of centuries of Roman Catholic and Lutheran propaganda (in the second). And, when an Israeli politician refers to Palestinians as snakes or pigs or monkeys, it is near to a certainty that he will be a rabbi (most usually Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, the leader of the disgraceful Shas party) and will cite Talmudic authority for his racism. For most of human history, religion and bigotry have been two sides of the same coin, and it still shows.

Therefore there is a strong case for saying that the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten, and those who have reprinted its efforts out of solidarity, are affirming the right to criticize not merely Islam but religion in general. And the Bush administration has no business at all expressing an opinion on that. If it is to say anything, it is constitutionally obliged to uphold the right and no more. You can be sure that the relevant European newspapers have also printed their share of cartoons making fun of nuns and popes and messianic Israeli settlers, and taunting child-raping priests. There was a time when this would not have been possible. But those taboos have been broken.

 

Which is what taboos are for. Islam makes very large claims for itself. In its art, there is a prejudice against representing the human form at all. The prohibition on picturing the Prophet — who was only another male mammal — is apparently absolute. So is the prohibition on pork or alcohol or, in some Muslim societies, music or dancing. Very well then, let a good Muslim abstain rigorously from all these. But if he claims the right to make me abstain as well, he offers the clearest possible warning and proof of an aggressive intent. This current uneasy coexistence is only an interlude, he seems to say. For the moment, all I can do is claim to possess absolute truth and demand absolute immunity from criticism. But in the future, you will do what I say and you will do it on pain of death.

I refuse to be spoken to in that tone of voice, which as it happens I chance to find “offensive.” (By the way, hasn’t the word “offensive” become really offensive lately?) The innate human revulsion against desecration is much older than any monotheism: Its most powerful expression is in the Antigone of Sophocles. It belongs to civilization. I am not asking for the right to slaughter a pig in a synagogue or mosque or to relieve myself on a “holy” book. But I will not be told I can’t eat pork, and I will not respect those who burn books on a regular basis. I, too, have strong convictions and beliefs and value the Enlightenment above any priesthood or any sacred fetish-object. It is revolting to me to breathe the same air as wafts from the exhalations of the madrasahs, or the reeking fumes of the suicide-murderers, or the sermons of Billy Graham and Joseph Ratzinger. But these same principles of mine also prevent me from wreaking random violence on the nearest church, or kidnapping a Muslim at random and holding him hostage, or violating diplomatic immunity by attacking the embassy or the envoys of even the most despotic Islamic state, or making a moronic spectacle of myself threatening blood and fire to faraway individuals who may have hurt my feelings. The babyish rumor-fueled tantrums that erupt all the time, especially in the Islamic world, show yet again that faith belongs to the spoiled and selfish childhood of our species.

As it happens, the cartoons themselves are not very brilliant, or very mordant, either. But if Muslims do not want their alleged prophet identified with barbaric acts or adolescent fantasies, they should say publicly that random murder for virgins is not in their religion. And here one runs up against a curious reluctance. … In fact, Sunni Muslim leaders can’t even seem to condemn the blowing-up of Shiite mosques and funeral processions, which even I would describe as sacrilege. Of course there are many millions of Muslims who do worry about this, and another reason for condemning the idiots at Foggy Bottom is their assumption, dangerous in many ways, that the first lynch mob on the scene is actually the genuine voice of the people. There’s an insult to Islam, if you like.

 

The question of “offensiveness” is easy to decide. First: Suppose that we all agreed to comport ourselves in order to avoid offending the believers? How could we ever be sure that we had taken enough precautions? On Saturday, I appeared on CNN, which was so terrified of reprisal that it “pixilated” the very cartoons that its viewers needed to see. And this ignoble fear in Atlanta, Ga., arose because of an illustration in a small Scandinavian newspaper of which nobody had ever heard before! Is it not clear, then, that those who are determined to be “offended” will discover a provocation somewhere? We cannot possibly adjust enough to please the fanatics, and it is degrading to make the attempt.

Second (and important enough to be insisted upon): Can the discussion be carried on without the threat of violence, or the automatic resort to it? When Salman Rushdie published The Satanic Verses in 1988, he did so in the hope of forwarding a discussion that was already opening in the Muslim world, between extreme Quranic literalists and those who hoped that the text could be interpreted. We know what his own reward was, and we sometimes forget that the fatwa was directed not just against him but against “all those involved in its publication,” which led to the murder of the book’s Japanese translator and the near-deaths of another translator and one publisher. I went on CNN’s Crossfire at one point, to debate some spokesman for outraged faith, and said that we on our side would happily debate the propriety of using holy writ for literary and artistic purposes. But that we would not exchange a word until the person on the other side of the podium had put away his gun. (The menacing Muslim bigmouth on the other side refused to forswear state-sponsored suborning of assassination, and was of course backed up by the Catholic bigot Pat Buchanan.) The same point holds for international relations: There can be no negotiation under duress or under the threat of blackmail and assassination. And civil society means that free expression trumps the emotions of anyone to whom free expression might be inconvenient. It is depressing to have to restate these obvious precepts, and it is positively outrageous that the administration should have discarded them at the very first sign of a fight. [ More ]

 

 

Christopher Hitchens, from dove to hawk

 

Times Literary Supplement  -  Geoffreey Wheatcroft

When Christopher Hitchens died in December 2011 it was literally front-page news, in the New York Times, and in the Guardian which, with a kind of media solipsism, devoted scores of column inches to him over many pages. Three days after the death of this journalist and pamphleteer, as Hitchens liked to call himself, that paper found considerably less space to mark the death of Václav Havel, a man who had changed the course of European history.

Dismaying as Hitchens’s death was, it wasn’t unexpected. In June 2010 he was beginning a publicity tour for his memoir Hitch-22 when he suddenly collapsed, and was found to be suffering from esophageal cancer. Despite the most advanced treatment, it proved incurable. Hitchens made his death a defiant public performance, drily reminding us that his cancer was now “inoperable, metastasized stage four – there is no stage five”, and adding that, to the victim’s inevitable question, “Why me?” “the cosmos shrugs and answers, ‘Why not?’” He was sixty-two.

Born to a dyspeptic, reactionary naval officer and a mother whose Jewish origins Hitchens only discovered after her tragic suicide, he was educated at a modest public school and Oxford University, where he delightedly embarked on a double life – radical agitation by day, sybaritic lotus-eating by night – which set the tone for the years to come. After Oxford he became a journalist, and few professional trajectories could be so simply summarized by a handful of names, the succession of journals he worked for: International Socialist, the Times Higher Education Supplement, New Statesman and then, when “the strong gravitational pull of the great American planet”, which he identified “with breadth of mind, with liberty, with opportunity”, drew him to New York, the Nation and Vanity Fair.

There was certainly opportunity for him. Within ten years of his arrival in America he had achieved a quite remarkable celebrity, as a polemicist, critic, television debater and (for want of any less irritating phrase) public intellectual, renowned for a verbal felicity and sophisticated brutality quite lacking in an American media oppressed by what the journalist Michael Kinsley has called its “suffocating gentility”.

By the time Hitchens’s atheistical polemic God Is Not Great was published in 2007, and then Hitch-22 three years later, his star was so high that both books would enter the New York Times bestseller list at Number One. Some of this story has been told here before, in a review of that memoir by Sudhir Hazareesingh (August 20, 2010) and by Michael Dirda, only days after Hitchens’s death, writing about Arguably (December 23 & 30, 2011), “an oversized, magnificent and sometimes exasperating” collection of reviews and essays by Hitchens, who had already published four previous collections. And Yet . . . is a tailpiece, another collection which shows him as ever – pugnacious, clever, fearless, bookish but brattish at once, always ready to tweak any nose or to strike any attitude, always wonderfully readable.

And yet . . . that short phrase seems almost more apposite than the publisher can have intended. To say that Hitchens divided opinion would be putting it mildly. He still does. In his later phase as an advocate of the Iraq war and a supporter of George W. Bush he incurred the obloquy, or sheer hatred, of a Left which had once cheered him, and led to a number of ruptured friendships, with Alexander Cockburn, Edward Said and Gore Vidal, who can be seen looking with disdain at his former “dauphin”, as Vidal had once ridiculously called Hitchens, in Nicholas Wrathall’s documentary Gore Vidal: The United States of Amnesia (2013).

Apart from the inevitable excruciating tribute to Hitchens from Tony Blair (“a complete one-off . . . an extraordinary, compelling, and colorful human being whom it was a privilege to know”), the Guardian issue marking his death included a loving threnody by Ian McEwan. But the paper also ran pieces by Simon Hoggart and Simon Jenkins, which began respectively, “To come to the point, Christopher Hitchens could be a monster”, and “Christopher Hitchens was a pain in the neck”. There is even an amusing, if unintentional and disguised, illustration of how he could arouse mixed feelings in the same person, on the front of the paperback of Hitch-22. Along with a couple of puffs from acolytes, we read Lynn Barber of the Sunday Times: “his wit, style and erudition are brilliantly deployed . . . sparkles with funny stories”, but we don’t see the next sentence of that review: “Why then did I find myself reading it with increasing distrust and eventually, I have to say, distaste?”

To come to my own point, my feelings about Hitchens were also a mixture, of admiration, affection, frustration and vexation, although that last had become something stronger by the time of his final incarnation as a tub-thumping neocon. I knew him for the best part of forty years, not as an intimate but as someone of whom I was incurably fond and whose company I always enjoyed. And of course I relished what he wrote, although my envy at his fluency and verve was checked by an apprehension that he was sometimes writing with an apparent command of the subject he didn’t actually possess.

More than once it was said that Hitchens wrote faster than most people read. The difficulty was when he began to write faster than he could think, although he could certainly think fast, or speak as if he did. “In debate”, said his friend Martin Amis, “I would back him against Cicero, against Demosthenes.” Never having debated with either, I can’t very easily compare, but he was formidable, perhaps deceptively so. Hitchens’s quicksilver tongue and courteously persistent manner could sometimes conceal a very flimsy case, as for example in his relentless insistence that the invasion of Iraq was legally justifiable. Hitchens wasn’t a lawyer, and his view was not shared by, inter alios, the late Lord Bingham, the former senior law lord, who was acclaimed at the time of his death as the greatest English judge of his generation. Tom Bingham marked his retirement by giving the Grotius lecture at Lincoln’s Inn, in which, with deep learning and forensic ferocity, he demolished any case for the legality of the war.

If international law wasn’t Hitchens’s strong suit, this book is a reminder that he was at his very best as a literary critic, splendid on Lermontov or Chesterton, Dickens or V. S. Naipaul. He brings out the levels of irony in A Hero of Our Time, the hero’s suicidal courage and cruelty, and the story’s erotic undertones. Then again, until rereading this piece, first published two years after the invasion of Iraq in 2003, I had forgotten the painful unconsciousness with which Hitchens could write: “The glorious Russian war to civilize the Muslim tribes is a squalid and brutal business on both sides”. Yes, indeed, like so many such wars!

Then again, Hitchens admires Chesterton, rightly so in many ways, but surely too much for what, quoting T. S. Eliot, he calls his “first-rate balladry”. Hitchens even praises “Lepanto” – “St Michael’s on his Mountain in the sea-roads of the north / (Don John of Austria is girt and going forth)” – which is GKC at his bombastic worst, in the long and deplorable line of bellicose English versifiers who had never heard the proverbial shot fired in anger. Although, come to think of it, that poem, celebrating a Christian victory over the Turks (at a time when “Turk” in, for example, the Prayer Book, meant a Muslim), might have had a new resonance in an age when Bush and Blair led their own crusade. And there is more unconscious irony in Hitchens’s phrase about Chesterton’s “half-developed insights” with their unintended effect of “straining and breaking the branch on which he leaned for effect”, something that may be detected often enough in Hitchens himself.

Behind his own paradox-mongering and phrase-making is the certainty that whenever Hitchens discussed or merely alluded to a book, you could be sure he had actually read it with close attention. He was marvelous on what George Orwell, after Chesterton, called “good bad books”, far from great literature but nevertheless readable and memorable. His very funny piece “Ian Fleming: Bottoms up” suggests that Hitchens had given all too much attention to the James Bond books in order to analyze Fleming’s interest in posteriors, in a learned display of schoolboy dirty-mindedness. He notes that Fleming expended much more energy describing flagellation than sex, and points out that the author had an early mentor whose name was Phyllis Bottome and a mistress called Monique Panchaud de Bottomes: “This might be coincidence (it could hardly be conspiracy)”.

Reading these various pieces, one begins to see an answer to the central question surrounding Hitchens: if he was so good, why was he so bad?; or at least, if he was so right, why was he so wrong? Another word too often used about him was “erudite”, but that really isn’t so. He was very well read, which is a different thing, but not deeply learned; he was a brilliant critic, but he was no historian. To the extent that he paid much attention to academic studies at Balliol, he read PPE; had he read History there he would have been taught by Maurice Keen and Richard Cobb, two great historians and teachers who might have provided some of the wider knowledge that he lacked.

All of this can be illustrated by a fine essay reprinted here on Paul Scott – fine, that is, when Hitchens sticks to the Raj Quartet as fiction. Having offered some extremely persuasive literary criticism, Hitchens then invokes Scott, or rather one of his cast, by way of political-historical argument: “The creation of Pakistan is our crowning failure”, says Lady Ethel Manners. “The only justification for two hundred years of power was unification.” This is cited by Hitchens as though the musings of a fictional character were a clinching point in an acutely controversial historical question. He likes Lady Ethel’s line because it fits one of his own pet themes, or idées fixes: retreating imperial powers partitioned the countries they were leaving out of malice aforethought. The first examples usually adduced are Ireland and India (Palestine is another case, but more problematic). Whatever the examples, the thesis is completely groundless. Apart from the fact that the one thing Ireland (the island) and India (the old Raj) had in common was that they had never been political entities except under English or British rule, contemporary documentary evidence demonstrates unambiguously that the British governments of the day did not want to partition either.

There are other hints of the path Hitchens would take. In one short, sharp jab at Hillary Clinton, he reminds us of her inability to tell the plain truth when there is any alternative, as exampled by her demonstrably false claim that “I remember landing under sniper fire” at Tuzla in 1996. But he then compares this with his own experience of flying into Sarajevo in 1992 and, almost yearningly, recalls running to the terminal as “a mortar shell fell as near to me as I ever want any mortar shell to fall”. This almost sounds as though Hitchens were a war correspondent, which he never was. Maybe nearer the mark is York Harding, the character in The Quiet American described by the excellent Andrew J. Bacevich as “a sort of proto-Thomas Friedman who parachutes into various trouble spots and then in best-selling books serves up glib recipes for advancing the cause of liberty”. Or a proto-Hitchens?

Sad to say, Hitchens suffered acutely from that nostalgie de la guerre which afflicted so many of our generation born in the years after 1945, who’d heard all about fighting and dying, but had never experienced it. He once wrote very perceptively about Brideshead Revisited, and the memory of the First World War which overshadows Evelyn Waugh’s novel. War overshadowed Hitchens himself, the son of a man who had taken part in the sinking of the Scharnhorst in December 1943: “a more solid day’s work than any I have ever done”, as Hitchens revealingly said. Some delayed response may explain the way in which he became one of those cooing Vietnam doves of the 1960s who turned into such squawking hawks in the 1990s and beyond.

In his sabre-rattling speech on Syria in the House of Commons in December 2015, Hilary Benn followed in Hitchens’s footsteps by invoking the International Brigades (apparently forgetting that they were volunteers, like ISIS), a sentimental invocation which is an unfailing danger signal. As Hitchens’s friend Ian Buruma said, he was “always looking for the defining moment – as it were, our Spanish Civil War, where you put yourself on the right side, and stand up to the enemy”. Or as Carol Blue, Hitchens’s wife, still more shrewdly observed, he was one of “those men who were never really in battle and wished they had been”.

At last Hitchens did find himself in a battle, even if “fighting cancer” was the kind of phrase he scorned, and his sardonic courage in that final year was more than usually admirable. With the American Presidential primaries once again in full swing, I smile and salute his memory reading “The Case Against Hillary Clinton”, reprinted in And Yet . . .: “Indifferent to truth, willing to use police-state tactics and vulgar libels against inconvenient witnesses, hopeless on health care, and flippant and fast and loose with national security: the case against Hillary Clinton for president is open-and-shut”. Yes, that’s the true voice of Christopher Hitchens – and how we could use it still.

 

On Christopher Hitchens . . .

He saw death lurking tediously in the hallway

 

National Post  -  Robert Fulford

Aside from its other dislikeable qualities, death can be a bit of a bore. This is the opinion Christopher Hitchens delivers in Mortality, his 104-page posthumous book, made up mainly of articles he wrote for Vanity Fair while dying of esophageal cancer. He grew ill in the summer of 2010 and died last December, aged 62.

He considers the Grim Reaper, when you come down to it, a drag: “The novelty of a diagnosis of malignant cancer has a tendency to wear off. The thing begins to pall, even to become banal.” He sees death lurking tediously in the hallway, like some lethal old bore hoping to have a word.

Hitchens doesn’t use his wit to avoid the subject of death.

Instead he absorbs the end of his life into his personal literary drama, where ironic comedy always played an essential role. Irony becomes part of his death as much as it was part of his life. This is a death book, to be sure, but a death book only Hitchens could conceive.

 

As he lies in his hospital bed someone writes to urge that he have his brain frozen so that it can be appreciated by posterity. His response: “Well, I mean to say, gosh, thanks awfully.” A Cheyenne-Arapaho friend suggests that he avoid tribal remedies, since everyone she knew who has used them had died almost immediately. “Some advice can actually be taken,” Hitchens remarks.

 

When someone asks how he’s feeling today he answers, “I seem to have cancer today.” He satirizes his own snobbish view of his condition: “One almost develops a kind of elitism about the uniqueness of one’s own personal disorder.” He just can’t get interested in less complicated cancers. He also develops (apparently in silence) a code of propriety for visitors to cancer wards.

 

One such visitor remarks that there comes a time when you just have to consider letting go. True, Hitchens says to himself, but he already had that thought and didn’t need to hear it. “I’ll do the facing of hard facts, thanks. Don’t you be doing it.” These conversations leave him with an urge, admittedly unreasonable, to have a veto on what’s sayable. This is all first-class reporting, subtle and honest, whether on the words of people who visit him or on his responses.

 

He finds himself dwelling ruefully on the often quoted view of Friedrich Nietzsche that “whatever does not kill me makes me stronger.” Dead wrong, Hitchens decides. Many things can attack you, not kill you, yet make you weaker. Several such things happen to him. One day he gets mouth sores, then suddenly his feet go numb and cold. Radiation causes pain that installs itself inside him and reaches levels that defeat his powers of description. He gets desperately hungry but can’t bear the scent of food — a double-cross, as he says. And there’s the boring switch from chronic constipation to its sudden dramatic opposite.

Still, he finds the most “despond-inducing” change is the destruction of his voice — his solid, supple, much-admired voice, tool of his trade, prop of his life.

When cancer reaches his vocal cords his words suddenly come from his mouth in a piping squeak or a husky whisper or a plaintive bleat. Sometimes they don’t emerge at all. It feels like a version of impotence or a personality amputation. He realizes that, even if he recovers, his life as a public speaker is over. Perhaps worse, he’s no longer a witty conversationalist; he can’t get his words out fast enough or clearly enough. He begins to understand that, when he does speak, people listen out of sympathy.

 

At the end of Mortality his publisher has included a few notes Hitchens jotted down while writing. One reads: “Must take absolute care not to be self-pitying or self-centered.” The injunction against being “self-centred” was surely misguided and, in any case, incapable of being followed by Hitchens. For decades he exhibited a public self that was eloquent, proud and uniquely centered. It was also attractive to a great many readers. His personal reactions to every subject from Marxism to John Updike colored every aspect of his work. A Hitchens who was not self-centered would be hard to imagine and not much fun to read.

 

He left this little book as a token of his last days, reminding us with every phrase, anecdote and literary reference that, through hours of pain and pessimism, he remained his own self until he died, absolutely and defiantly alive. His book makes me like him even more than I did, and miss him even more as well.

 

 

On Christopher Hitchens . . .

Mourning Christopher Hitchens

 

National Post  -  David Frum

They came to mourn Christopher Hitchens in the Great Hall of New York’s Cooper Union, where Abraham Lincoln gave the speech that launched his campaign for president in 1860.

The hall was filled with family, friends and readers; intimates of 40 years’ standing, and those who knew him only from the printed page and stage appearance; all still wounded by a loss that remains fresh at four months’ distance.

Most of the memorial took the form of readings from Christopher’s own works, occasionally enlivened by editorial comment. The biggest laugh was claimed by the writer, actor and gay-rights exponent, Stephen Fry.

Christopher, he said, had condemned as more trouble than they were worth: champagne, lobster, anal sex and picnics. “Three out of four, Christopher,” said Fry.

 

The piano was played — beautifully — by one of the directors of the National Institutes of Health, who also proudly identified himself as “a follower of Jesus Christ.” He had guided Christopher through some experimental therapies for the esophageal cancer that killed him. He and Christopher had many fierce debates over Christopher’s assertive atheism. He reminded the audience of the words of Proverbs: As iron sharpeneth iron, so a friend sharpens the mind of his friend.

The readings covered almost every aspect of Christopher’s life and work, with one very notable exception: His advocacy of the overthrow of Saddam and the liberation of Iraq. If Christopher had been present in person to guide the ceremonies, I doubt he’d have spared the sensitivities on that score of his liberal, literary New York and London admirers. He lived to provoke, without inhibition and without regret.

Even when he changed his mind — which on Iraq he never did — he very seldom, if ever, expressed regret for his previous view. He saw in his life a fundamental moral and intellectual continuity — even when that continuity eluded the eyes of those who knew him best and longest.

Martin Amis, who delivered the climactic eulogy, joked about Christopher’s mock-vainglorious references to himself in the third person by his nick-name, “the Hitch”: “Not usually a sign of unclouded mental health,” said Amis. And then he quoted the 20-something Hitchens’ pledge, “wherever there is oppression, immiseration, or exploitation, the pen of the Hitch will flash from its scabbard.” That’s how they talk at British universities perhaps, and it’s more than a little embarrassing to hear such words recalled in later life, even understanding the saving veneer of irony. And yet more than most who say such things, Hitchens did live up to that creed — imperfectly, as is inescapable for any human person, and yet not so imperfectly as to invalidate the promise.

Before and after the service, the loudspeakers played The Internationale, the old anthem of the socialist movement. (The lyrics were mercifully sung in the original French, so as to spare us all the incongruity of hearing the words, “Arise ye workers from your slumbers; Arise ye prisoners of want” boomed out a ceremony sponsored by Vanity Fair magazine, names checked at the door by attractive young people in all-black clothes.)

Hitchens himself said of his early socialism, “I miss it, the way an amputated man misses his arm.” But he never looked back either. I once asked him to describe the stages of his rejection of his old beliefs. He described the experience as like that of a man tumbling down a hill, grasping at branches and shrubs in hope of stopping his fall, every one breaking in his hand.

Yet perhaps the chosen anthem was not so incongruous after all. A friend recently proposed this description of Christopher’s political evolution. “He began as a socialist, a Marxist and a Trotskyist. First he abandoned the socialism. Then he abandoned the Marxism. But he remained a Trotskyist to the end — meaning a believer in emancipatory revolution; a believer that neither oppression nor liberation stops at national borders; a believer that the realm of politics must never be conceded to the pragmatists and pessimists.”

In an amazing montage of old interviews and speeches compiled by Alex Gibney, Hitchens at one point said that while most of us always remember our first loves, it can be much more invigorating to remember our first hates. His hates never changed, just as he promised Martin Amis all those years ago.

Those of us who loved him for his brilliance, his charm, his genius for friendship did not always share every aspect of his politics. I could spend a day talking about the issues I think he got wrong, even horribly wrong; of the people he misjudged, sometimes cruelly misjudged. But even if he did not always correctly aim his ordnance, Christopher Hitchens, at the most fundamental level, knew which were the right targets.

And as the turnout today in New York continues to prove, for that knowledge, the memory of Christopher Hitchens is now — and will long be — respected, honoured and cherished.

 

On Christopher Hitchens . . .

A man of moral clarity

 

National Post  -  David Frum

British-born journalist and atheist intellectual Christopher Hitchens, who made the United States his home and backed the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, died on Thursday at the age of 62.

Hitchens died in Houston of pneumonia, a complication of cancer of the esophagus, Vanity Fair magazine said.

“Christopher Hitchens – the incomparable critic, masterful rhetorician, fiery wit, and fearless bon vivant – died today at the age of 62,” Vanity Fair said.


A friend of theirs once took Christopher Hitchens and his wife Carol Blue to dinner at Palm Beach’s Everglades Club, notorious for its exclusion of Jews.

“You will behave, won’t you?” Carol anxiously asked Christopher on the way into the club. No dice. When the headwaiter approached, Christopher demanded: “Do you have a kosher menu?”

Christopher was never a man to back away from a confrontation on behalf of what he considered basic decency. Yet it would be wrong to remember only the confrontational side. Christopher was also a man of exquisite sensitivity and courtesy, dispensed without regard to age or station.

On one of the last occasions I saw him, my wife and I came to drop some food–lamb tagine – to sustain a family with more on its mind than cooking. Christopher, though weary and sick, insisted on painfully lifting himself from his chair to perform the rites of hospitality. He might have cancer, but we were still guests – and as guests, we must have champagne.

I once had the honor of sharing a debating platform with Christopher, on the same side thank God. It was like going into battle alongside the U.S. Marine Corps. The audience was overwhelmingly hostile. The longer Christopher talked, the more subdued they became.

As the event broke up, a crowd of questioners formed around him. I created a diversion thinking it would help him escape for some needed rest. But Christopher declined the offer. He stood with them, as tired as I was, but ready to adjourn to a nearby bar and converse with total strangers till the bars closed.

 

Hitchens was not one of those romantics who fetishized “dialogue.” Far from suffering fools gladly, he delighted in making fools suffer. When he heard that another friend, a professor, had a habit of seducing female students in his writing seminars, he shook his head pityingly. “It’s not worth it. Afterward, you have to read their short stories.”

He delighted in writing himself, of course, and in all that surrounded writing. I had the dazzling experience one night of listening to Christopher and Salman Rushdie replay a favorite game, wrecking book titles by changing a single word.

I wish I could remember them all, not only because they were so funny, but because I still wince at the scolding Christopher gave me when he overheard me relating the anecdote from memory and mangling his alternative to “The Great Gatsby” as “The Good Gatsby” rather than “The Big Gatsby.”

He especially liked gallows humor. When the nurses asked him, in that insinuatingly cheerful way they have, how he was feeling, he’d answer, “I seem to have a little touch of cancer.” If he was late to emerge from his living room to see you because of the exhaustion and nausea of chemotherapy, he’d excuse himself with, “I’m sorry to keep you waiting. I was brushing my hair”– of which of course there were only a few wisps left.

I never expected to become friends with him.

 

It was my wife Danielle who sparked the relationship. She and Christopher were booked as guest commentators on the same TV network – CBC I think – on election night 1996, shortly after we’d moved to Washington. The format had them talking for 10 minutes at the top of every hour, then adjourning for 50 minutes of newscast.

At the end of the first 10 minutes, my wife decided she did not want to spend most of the rest of the evening in the nasty green room provided. “I’m getting a drink,” Danielle announced. Christopher never had to hear that invitation twice, certainly not from a very beautiful woman. Over the next four hours, they moved back and forth between the studio and a nearby bar, talking for 10 minutes per hour and drinking for 50. When Danielle lurched home that evening, she raved about this brilliant and charming writer I had to, had to meet.

 

I vetoed the idea. I knew Christopher’s writing and had encountered him a few times in the 1980s. He was an impressive person, no question about that, but I objected to his ad hominem attacks on people I greatly admired. Then a few weeks later, I had my own face-to-face encounter with him. We were guests together on C-Span’s morning program, which convened at 7 AM. He rolled in looking absolutely like hell. Of the dead, nothing should be said but good, but … wow. Christopher’s eyes were bloodshot, his clothes were crumpled, his face was ghastly. And then he started to talk. And then he made me laugh and laugh and laugh.

The show ended at 8 AM. Even for Christopher, that was not drinking time. We adjourned to the nearby Phoenix Park hotel for a coffee, and two more hours of talk. When I did finally get home I had to admit to my wife, “OK, you were right.”

Danielle mobilized Christopher to write for a magazine she then edited, the Women’s Quarterly. For the very uncharacteristic fee of $200, he and David Brooks divided a page to settle the question, who were sexier: left-wing women or right-wing women? Christopher championed right-wing women, and told the story of the erotic thrill he had experienced when Margaret Thatcher had slapped him on the bottom with a rolled-up newspaper.

For such a pugilistic intellect, Christopher Hitchens could be surprisingly sensitive and deferential. I well remember my anxiety before the first time he joined a party with my in-laws. My father-in-law is perhaps the only person I know who has visited even more countries than Christopher, but politically … uh oh. Peter Worthington is not one to mince his words about anything, least of all his view that British colonialism did the people on the receiving end much more good than harm. But when Christopher heard that Peter had been with Hitchens’ beloved Indian Army on the eve of the 1962 Himalayan war with China, politics flew out the window, as the great journalist in him extracted every anecdotal detail.

 

Not every evening went so well. In the aftershock of 9/11 and Hitchens’ great political rotation, I made the mistake of organizing a dinner to try to reconcile him to the Middle East expert, Daniel Pipes. That time, Christopher arrived spoiling for a fight. The evening ended with Christopher storming out of the house.

Carol struggled to follow him, but he moved so fast that he had vanished around the corner of a neighboring street before Carol reached the sidewalk. She realized she couldn’t get home on her own because Christopher had departed with the keys to their car in his pocket. Nor could she re-enter the house, without an awkward explanation to all the other dumbfounded guests. Andrew Sullivan played Sir Galahad and returned Carol home. The Hitchens’ car remained parked on our curb till late the next morning.

At most parties, though, he was wit in a white suit. He’d enter the house and push past the offer of what he called the worst phrase in the English language: “White or Red?” He’d walk into the kitchen, to the small pantry where we keep our own stock of liquor, and help himself to a slug of Johnnie Walker Black, which I learned to think of as the whisky you drink when you’re drinking more than one. Soda, no ice. In recent years, and contrary to reports, the pours got smaller and the spacing between them grew wider. Was his body rebelling? Or did the mind need less artificial impetus as it raced faster and faster down the current toward the waterfall at the end?

In recent years, as I’ve undergone a political rotation of my own, I’ve thought more and more about the example Christopher set. Interviewed in about 2003 by C-Span’s Brian Lamb, Christopher gave this answer to a question about his former belief in socialism: “I miss it the way an amputated man misses an arm.” It’s a bewildering experience to move away from prior certitudes. The most usual response is to careen to exactly opposite certitudes – to clutch at some prosthetic substitute for the vanished limb. Christopher refused this ready aid.

Perhaps his formal moment of departure from the political left came when he was summoned to answer for his deviations before the editors of The Nation in 2002. He rode the train up from Washington, sat at the long conference room table to await the interrogation – and lit up a cigarette in defiance of all no-smoking ordinances. What was there to be said after that?

If Christopher quit the left, however, he never joined the right. Like his great hero George Orwell, he was a man whose most creative period of life was a period of constantly falling between two stools: his new hatred for George Galloway never dimmed his old animosity toward Henry Kissinger. He was for the Iraq war without ever much trusting or liking the leaders who led that war.

The stock phrase of the 2000s on the right was “moral clarity.” If moral clarity means hating cruelty and oppression, then Christopher Hitchens was above all things a man of moral clarity. But he was also a man of moral complexity, who would not submit to Lenin’s demand that who says A must say B. Christopher was never more himself than when – after saying A – he adamantly refused to say B.

By the end, the one-time Trotskyist doctrinaire allowed no furnishings inside his mind except those that he had deliberately chosen and then shaped to his own use.

One sometimes hears of people who try to model their writing or their persona on Christopher Hitchens’ example. The results are usually absurd and sometimes perverse. Christopher did not offer a model of what to think. He offered a model of how to think – and how to live. Fully. Fearlessly. Joyously. And then, alas too soon, of how to die: without bluster but without flinching, boldly writing until the fingers moved no more.

 

On Christopher Hitchens . . .

My battles with Christopher Hitchens

 

National Post  -  Conrad Black

As Christmas remains a religious occasion, a few thoughts from that perspective commend themselves.

This newspaper seems to have been plunged into mourning for Christopher Hitchens, perhaps best-known for his belligerent atheism. I must say that I had a few fierce written exchanges with Christopher over the years, mainly in Britain’s Spectator magazine, but not on religious matters. In our polemical battles, which were entertainingly acidulous and ungentlemanly on both sides, the arguments he made were so unmitigatedly fatuous, he always seemed to me rather silly, more a pest than even a gadfly, much less a sage or wit.

Our first pyrotechnic outburst came when President Reagan had just endured a cancer operation and was about to meet Mikhail Gorbachev. Christopher wrote that Reagan should resign the presidency and not embarrass the West by having to interrupt the summit meeting every 15 minutes to go to the lavatory. It was, as I wrote, an utterly tasteless (and inaccurate) prediction (and not without its ironies given its author’s subsequent medical history). Christopher retreated ungraciously, especially after the Reagan-Gorbachev meeting was universally seen as a success. However, when Ronald Reagan died, in 2004, widely hailed as a popular and outstanding president, Christopher carped after him as “an idiot.”

 

The last real dust-up we had was over his “book” about Henry Kissinger’s supposed role in the overthrow of Chilean president Allende in 1973. (To those of us who write properly researched and referenced non-fiction books, it is a little hard to take 80,000 ill-tempered words thundered incoherently out in unsubstantiated accusations as more than sophomoric pamphleteering.) Hitchens dismissed the complete absence of any supporting evidence for his thesis as merely illustrating the fiendish cleverness of the accused. I argued in my Spectator review that made for an unconvincing case (little imagining how disagreeably familiar I would personally become with the technique).

I would have participated in the recent Munk debate in Toronto between Christopher and Tony Blair about religion if I had been able to leave the United States, but I listened to it carefully. Christopher repeated his usual well-tried disparagements, with some spontaneous witticisms, as Blair’s very flaccid comments warranted, and certainly won easily on the night. Blair failed to attack any of atheism’s vulnerabilities, and was surprisingly inept for a talented forensic debater and genuinely committed Christian.

If pushed, atheists always fall back on the shortcomings of individual clergy and a variant of Bertrand Russell’s vacuous old fable that there is a finite amount of knowledge in the world and every day man is a step closer to possessing all of it. I have no problem with atheists generally, but their arguments are rubbish when they go beyond general skepticism, and the only atheists who aren’t somewhat disturbed are those who don’t much think about it and are serenely uninterested in other-worldly thoughts.

Christopher’s claim that Mother Theresa was “a bitch” and a “fanatic” had no basis at all. And his rages against Pope Benedict were founded on the pope’s teenage conscription into a non-political German anti-aircraft battery (from which he deserted at the first opportunity) and his supposed facilitation of Boston’s Cardinal Law’s flight from justice. (Law returned to the United States for 18 months and answered all the grand jury’s questions, but Christopher was never much interested in the facts of a case.)

I’m sorry he died, and if my friends David Frum and Jonathan Kay grieve for Christopher, I’ll take their word for it. (My wife Barbara had a very convivial talk with him at the Frums’ house last year despite all the fire we have exchanged and I was grateful to him for speaking well of some of my books.) But I never saw why the norms of civilized behaviour and comment should be waived for him, and cannot say I will really miss him (any more than I think he is now missing me).

I have it on good authority that Christopher Hitchens was disappointed that the child-molestation scandal, appalling though it was, did not bring the Roman Catholic Church crashing to earth like the zeppelin Von Hindenburg at Lakehurst, N.J. in 1937. People of that mindset are always particularly infuriated, century after century, at the stubborn failure of the Roman Catholic Church simply to fold its wings as the bumble bee is supposed to do, and fall to the ground. In their desperation, they even rejoice at perceived setbacks to Rome by what they consider to be lesser sectarian antagonists. (The recent acquisition of the Reverend Robert Schuller’s “Crystal Cathedral,” designed by Philip Johnson and familiar to scores of millions of Sunday television viewers of the Hour of Power, by the Roman Catholic diocese of Orange, California, for $51-million, should remind even the most blinkered materialists not to underestimate the strength of invisible means of support.)

This pope has responded effectively to the sexual abuse crisis, and there has been no discernible reduction in general church attendance or recruitment. The most important, and perhaps least recognized relevant fact is that more than 95% of the Roman Catholic clergy are dedicated people who have sacrificed a great deal to lead a Christian life and have educated and otherwise cared for hundreds of millions of people with exemplary devotion and self-discipline. At this time of year, especially, those millions of humanity’s benefactors should be remembered.

On a local version of this latter theme, I would like to champion a cause that it has been my privilege, modestly, to support. The Roman Catholic charity St. Vincent de Paul, in Toronto, has for many years provided shelter, food and counseling for six to eight month stages under the direction of qualified monitors, to people reentering normal life after successful substance-abuse treatment. These services are offered in 14 homes, three owned by St. Vincent de Paul, and 11 by the Toronto Community Housing Corporation (THCH). These homes have 86 beds and nearly 7,000 people, the great majority of them durable success stories. St. Vincent de Paul is seeking an exemption for these homes from a proposed TCHC sale, but has so far been met by a glazed pall of official prevarication.

The mayor and other appropriate people have received many written appeals and testimonials from graduates of these homes. Selling them out from under the self-sacrificing and benevolent people of St. Vincent de Paul would be completely irresponsible. In the spirit of Christmas at its best, supplemented by enthusiasm for a social program that helps the neediest, and, like most of the voluntary sector, gives a huge return on investment, I ask the authorities in wards 13, 17, 18, 19, 28, 30 and 32 to impress upon Mayor Rob Ford and the TCHC the absolute need to retain these homes for continuation of their present invaluable use.

My current and thankfully soon to be departed surroundings incite me to constant gratitude that Pope Benedict is almost the only prominent person in the world who regularly expresses solicitude for the many millions of imprisoned people in the world (an inordinate number in the United States). And I am prompted to cite a Christmas excerpt from Pope John Paul II’s 2000 message on the subject, which is frequently invoked by his successor: “Public authorities who deprive human beings of their personal freedom … must realize that they are not masters of the prisoners’ time. In the same way, those who are in detention must not live as if their time in prison had been taken from them completely; it needs to be lived to the full.… In many countries’ prisons, life is very precarious, not to say altogether unworthy of human beings.… In some cases, detention seems to create more problems than it solves. This must prompt rethinking with a view to some kind of reform.… Such a process is based on growth in the sense of responsibility. None of this should be considered utopian.”

Both popes have elsewhere inveighed against the imperfections of the prosecution services and the evils of false convictions. I am in a relatively endurable prison, but even Christopher Hitchens, if he had suffered such a fate as mine, rather than the much harsher one that has felled him, would be less dismissive of the leaders of Christianity.

 

It’s Not Just About Israel

 

Slate.com  -  Christopher Hitchens

 

Six more reasons why we can't let Iran get nukes

With Russia's ever-helpful policy of assisting Iran to accelerate its reactor program, allied to the millimetrical progress of sanctions on the Ahmadinejad regime and the increasingly hopeless state of negotiations with the Palestinians, there is likely to be no let-up in the speculation about an Israeli "first strike" on Iran's covert but ever-more-flagrant nuclear weapons installations. I have lost count of the number of essays and columns on the subject that were published this month alone. The most significant and detailed such contribution, though, came from my friend and colleague Jeffrey Goldberg in a cover story in the Atlantic. From any close reading of this piece, it was possible to be sure of at least one thing: The government of Benjamin Netanyahu wants it to be understood that, in the absence of an American decision to do so, Israel can and will mount such an attack in the not-too-distant future. The keyword of the current anguished argument—the word existential—is thought by a strategic majority of Israel's political and military leadership to apply in its fullest meaning. To them, an Iranian bomb is incompatible with the long-term survival of the Israeli state and even of the Jewish people.


It would be a real pity if the argument went on being conducted in these relatively narrow terms. A sentence from Goldberg's report will illustrate what I mean:

Israel, Netanyahu told me, is worried about an entire complex of problems, not only that Iran, or one of its proxies, would destroy Tel Aviv.

Why Tel Aviv? It is admittedly the most Jewish of Israel's centers of population, and it was built only in the course of the last century. It is also the most secular and modern and sexually licentious of Israel's cities, which might also qualify it for the apocalyptic wrath of the mullahs. But it is also home to many Arabs and Muslims, as are the coastal towns adjacent to it. And, as I never tire of pointing out, there is no weapon of mass destruction yet devised that can discriminate on the basis of religion or ethnicity.

 

So why did Netanyahu not say Jerusalem, which he and his party regard as Israel's true capital? Surely because this would immediately raise the question of whether the Iranian theocracy seriously intends to immolate the Dome of the Rock and the other Islamic holy places along with the poisonous "Zionist entity." And that's to say nothing of the number of Palestinians who would be slaughtered in any such assault. There is something sectarian, almost racist, in the way this aspect of the issue is always overlooked.

I tried to raise the same question in print when Menachem Begin ordered the bombing of Iraq's Osirak reactor in 1981. On that occasion, the worst he could find to say about Saddam Hussein's genocidal ambitions was that they, too, constituted a threat to Jewish survival. Yet every knowledgeable person understands that if Saddam Hussein had come into possession of a bomb, he would have used it in the first instance on what his propaganda always defined as "the Persian racists." (This is why the Iranian air force had tried and failed to hit the very same reactor a short time before.) When speaking of the Zionist foe, incidentally, Saddam's most aggressive public speech promised only that with his chemical and other weapons, he would "burn up half of Israel." The late megalomaniac was not notorious for speaking of half-measures. It's possible that even in some part of his reptilian brain he understood that Palestine is not populated only by Jews.

The whole emphasis on Israel's salience in this matter, and of the related idea of subcontracting a strike to the Israeli Defense Forces, is an evasion, somewhat ethnically tinged, of what is an international responsibility. If the Iranian dictatorship succeeds in "breaking out" and becoming a nuclear power, the following things will have happened:

1) International law and the stewardship of the United Nations will have been irretrievably ruined. The mullahs will have broken every solemn undertaking that they ever gave: to the International Atomic Energy Agency; to the European Union, which has been their main negotiating interlocutor up until now; and to the United Nations. (Tehran specifically rejects the right of the U.N. Security Council to have any say in this question.) Those who usually fetishize the role of the United Nations and of the international nuclear inspectors have a special responsibility to notice this appalling outcome.

2) The "Revolutionary Guards," who last year shot and raped their way to near-absolute power in Iran, are also the guardians of the underground weapons program. A successful consummation of that program would be an immeasurable enhancement of the most aggressive faction of the current dictatorship.

3) The power of the guards to project violence outside Iran's borders would likewise be increased. Any Hezbollah subversion of Lebanese democracy or missile attack on Israel; any Iranian collusion with the Taliban or with nihilist forces in Iraq would be harder to counter in that it would involve a confrontation with a nuclear godfather.

4) The same powerful strategic ambiguity would apply in the case of any Iranian move on a neighboring Sunni Arab Gulf state, such as Bahrain. The more extreme of Iran's theocratic newspapers already gloat at such a prospect, which is why so many Arab regimes hope—sometimes publicly—that this "existential" threat to them also be removed.

5) There will never be a settlement of the Israel-Palestine dispute, because the rejectionist Palestinians will be even more a proxy of a regime that calls for Israel's elimination, and the rejectionist Jews will be vindicated in their belief that concessions are a waste of time, if not worse.

6) The concept of "nonproliferation," so dear to the heart of the right-thinking, will go straight into the history books along with the League of Nations.

These, then, are some of the prices to be paid for not disarming Iran. Is it not obvious that the international interest in facing this question squarely, and in considering it as "existential" for civilization, is far stronger than any political calculation to be made in Netanyahu's office?

 

________________________________________________________________________

 

Christopher Hitchens lived in service of plain hatred

 

National Post  -  Father Raymond J. de Souza

 

Christopher Hitchens is dead. By his own lights, he is utterly defunct, decomposing more rapidly than yesterday’s newspaper. I take a different view, and do sincerely pray for a merciful judgment. In the mean time, I trust that his soul, even now, is chagrined with the extravagant evasions that marked his death. My colleagues were enthusiastic contributors. Our editorial board praised his “courage” as a journalist and deemed him the “greatest columnist and essayist in the English-speaking world.” The estimable David Frum wrote that, “If moral clarity means hating cruelty and oppression, then Christopher Hitchens was above all things a man of moral clarity.”

Clarity he had. But hating cruelty? He was himself both hateful and cruel. Upon Bob Hope’s death, Hitchens wrote that he was a “fool, and nearly a clown.” When Ronald Reagan died, Hitchens called him a “stupid lizard,” “dumb as a stump” and “an obvious phony and loon.” On Mother Teresa: “The woman was a fanatic and a fundamentalist and a fraud, and millions of people are much worse off because of her life, and it’s a shame there is no hell for your bitch to go to.”

 

The sadness is that there is a hell for Hitch to go to. He was granted a long farewell, with the opportunity for reconsiderations and reconciliations with those he hated and those he hurt. He declined to take advantage of it. Mother Teresa is fine, and no doubt prays for her enemies, including that Hitchens would be delivered both from hell and the nihilistic oblivion, which he thought awaited him.

“He was a virtuoso hater and his hatreds were redeemed, when they had to be, by the sheer relish with which they were expressed,” wrote Michael Ignatieff upon his death.

For many of Hitchens’ fellow journalists, the virtuosity of his brilliant writing and bracing conversation earned him a pass on the hatred. But hatred it remained. His commercial genius was to harbour hatreds sufficiently vast and varied that a lucrative constituency could be found to relish all of them.

In the first of his elegant essays about the ravages of his terminal cancer, he wrote about the consequences of his abbreviated future: “Will I really not live to see my children married? To read — if not indeed write — the obituaries of elderly villains like Henry Kissinger and Joseph Ratzinger?” The Scriptures in which Hitchens did not believe say that love is stronger than death. Maybe he thought hatred was, too.

He desired to live that he might trash the freshly dead. It was habitual for him, most intensely manifest when he accepted an astonishingly ill-conceived invitation from ABC to provide commentary for Mother Teresa’s funeral broadcast, using the occasion to heap abuse upon her as she was being laid to rest. It was a vile, vicious and typical performance. Is it truly possible that the “relish” with which he did, so redeemed it in the eyes of his literary friends?

As for his courage, I find less there than others do. He faced his final illness with real fortitude. He was fearless — and peerless — in debate. But I think it more apt to explain the idiosyncratic incoherence of his views by the gravitational pull of shifting opinions. He was a Trotskyite as a young man in Europe in the aftermath of 1968. He abandoned socialism — just as the entire world was burying it amid the collapsing ruins of communism. After 9/11, he took up the cudgels against Islamofascism, as he was pleased to call it. He supposedly broke with the left by endorsing the Iraq War — back when Ignatieff, John Kerry and Hillary Clinton were endorsing it. And in his final act, he was toasted by secular elites the world over for his fundamentalist atheism.

Professionally, only his campaign against the mendacity of the Clintons was courageous. That cost him some of his friends in the Washington salons, where he so grandly presided. Almost every gushing remembrance mentioned his legendary drinking and dinner-table rhetoric. That he could write better drunk than the rest of us sober is impressive in its own way, but the sheer awe of his drinking prowess is puzzling. Perhaps if I had gone drinking with him, I too would have been bewitched. Or perhaps not, given that I spend much of my time around university students, so I am rather less impressed than most adults by ostentatious alcoholic excess.

“Mercifully, too, I now can’t summon the memory of how I felt during those lacerating days and nights,” Hitchens wrote for the January 2012 issue of Vanity Fair, recalling the horrors of cancer and its treatment. Yet the lacerations inflicted by his writing do remain, and are remembered. The remedy is mercy. Hitchens was disinclined to show it, let alone ask for it. Yet the hope remains that he knows it now.

 

Contact Us:

 

info@natparty.com